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Europe’s Critical Election 民粹主义又将成欧洲梦魇

已有 255 次阅读2018-10-9 08:12 |个人分类:Eu-Asia 欧-亚


Europe’s Critical Election



  Writing for PS since 2011  
87 Commentaries
https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/european-parliament-criticial-election-may-2019-by-ana-palacio-2018-09

Ahead of the European Parliament election in May 2019, nationalist parties across Europe are unifying behind a message that is clear, forceful, and, for many, compelling. If Europe's defenders are to win, they will need to offer a vision that is similarly powerful – and not hide behind French President Emmanuel Macron.

MADRID – Discussions about Europe-wide elections are invariably infused with expectations of dramatic change that rarely, if ever, are met. But the upcoming European Parliament election in May 2019 may break the mold, as it could determine the outcome of an ongoing struggle between two visions for Europe’s future: progress toward greater openness and interconnectedness or a reversion to divisive and blinkered nationalism.

Previous European Parliament elections have been preceded by promises that the vote would mean something to the electorate. But, whatever structural and institutional changes have occurred, from increasing the body’s powers to introducing new campaigning procedures, the results have remained lackluster.

With voters unconvinced that European Parliament elections have any concrete impact, domestic political calculations dominate, with citizens using their votes – when they bother to vote at all – to send signals to national parties and punish incumbents. In fact, even as the European Parliament has gained more authority, voter turnout in European elections has steadily decreased since 1979, reaching a low of 42.5% in 2014.

But this year, the election really does matter. An increasingly organized coalition of nationalist forces that are hostile to European integration – and, indeed, to European values – has been gaining traction and cohesion. These forces include Fidesz in Hungary, the Law and Justice (PiS) party in Poland, Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland, the Swedish Democrats, the League in Italy, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (formerly the National Front) in France, and Geert Wilders’ Dutch Freedom Party.

Opposition to the EU is not new; nor are nationalist parties. But these parties have deepened their cooperation with one another since the last European elections in 2014, particularly on the issue of migration. In August, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and Italian Interior Minister Matteo Salvini held a “summit” where they called for a united front against French President Emmanuel Macron’s pro-integration vision of Europe.

Beyond the clear irony of the far right’s internationalism, this unification of nationalist parties into a Europe-wide force is highly dangerous – not least because these forces have coalesced around a clear, forceful, and, for many, compelling message. To face the challenges of the future, they declare, Europe must return to a less uncertain time, when sovereign countries’ closed borders kept foreigners out.

The nostalgia on which these leaders successfully campaign cannot serve as a basis for policy, because the world they describe never existed. But those who recognize the far-reaching benefits of an open and forward-looking EU are struggling to make their case in a persuasive way. They, too, are focusing on the past, often citing a laundry list of accomplishments; but their version comes across as technical and bloodless. In order to convince a skeptical public that Europe’s strength lies in cooperation, European leaders need to focus on the future. They cannot simply rely on past successes. We have peace and prosperity and no more data roaming charges, but what’s next?

“More unity” is not an adequate answer, even if some treat it as one. In general, abstract and lofty visions are not good enough to compete with the simple and potent message espoused by nationalists.

This does not, however, mean that Europe’s defenders should attempt to hijack the nationalists’ vocabulary to serve a pro-European agenda, as European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker did when he called for “European sovereignty” – whatever that is – in his recent state of the union address. Pro-European leaders cannot forge a new way forward by making themselves look more like nationalists; on the contrary, they must show just how different they are.

This means combining ideals with tangible proposals for Europe’s development. It means showing why the EU is the most viable and appealing vehicle to take Europe into an ever-more prosperous future. It means proving that the EU is better equipped than individual states to address contemporary challenges, particularly in a world in which a critical mass of power (military, economic, demographic) is increasingly necessary to have any room for maneuver. And it means convincing citizens that the EU, as a community of nations, offers the best chance to strengthen economic resilience, foster innovation, and preserve Europe’s cultures.

Macron has become the poster child for this approach. Too often, however, his is a lone voice; his fellow defenders of Europe nod quietly in agreement, but are unwilling to take political risks of their own. In the months leading up to the May election, all who believe in a European approach to European problems must step up.

The campaign is just beginning, so there is still time to change the narrative and put Europe on a path toward greater influence and increased prosperity. But the window of opportunity is closing fast. Unless those who understand the value of the EU wake up soon and respond effectively to their increasingly unified nationalist adversaries, it will be too late.

Europe faces a stark choice: Will its nation-states move forward together, building strength upon strength, or will they take separate paths, each leading to mediocrity? Believe it or not, the outcome of the upcoming election really does matter. For Europe, the stakes could not be higher.

民粹主义又将成欧洲梦魇:这个不起眼的事件了解一下


2018-10-09    来源:华尔街见闻 
http://www.wailaike.net/news-2579653-0.html 

今年意大利选举中,民粹主义倾向的政党上台提出扩张型财政政策,违背了此前意大利政府与欧盟的协议,意大利当局与欧盟的背道而驰导致欧元近几个月持续贬值。

明年五月,欧洲议会将迎来新一轮选举,有关造势活动已在欧洲多地展开,其中有不少欧洲各国民粹主义倾向政党非常活跃。由于欧洲选民不认为欧洲议会选举有实质性影响,投票率并不高,而愿意去投票的选民有的会把票投给民粹主义党派,来表达他们对在位者的不满。事实上,在欧洲议会获得更多权力后,欧洲选举的投票率从1979年起越来越低,在2014年仅为42.5%。

不过,西班牙前外交部长、世界银行前高级副总裁、西班牙议会议员Ana Palacio日前发文表示,这次的选举和此前不同,局面可能会有很大的改变,

而其结果十分重要,因为这场选举很有可能决定在十字路口的欧洲未来的走向:欧洲进一步一体化并开放,还是相反的各自为政的民粹主义。

她补充,在明年五月欧洲议会选举前,如果各国建制派想要赢过民粹主义党派,就该拿出有吸引力的提案,而不是躲在法国总统马克龙身后。



(欧元/美元今年四月来走势)



反对欧盟一体化的威胁


Palacio强调,今年的选举十分重要。

欧洲各国民粹主义党派越来越有组织性地联合,发表反对欧洲一体化的言论,并获得越来越多的吸引力和凝聚力,其中包括匈牙利的Fidesz党,波兰的PiS党,德国的Alternative für Deutschland党,瑞典民主党,意大利the League党,法国玛丽娜·勒庞的National Rally,以及荷兰基尔特·威尔德斯的Dutch Freedom Party等。

她指出,反对欧盟一体化的力量并不是新鲜事,但是自从2014年后的欧洲选举后,各国的这些反对力量加深了彼此之间的联合,尤其是在移民议题上。

今年八月,匈牙利总理Viktor Orbán和意大利内政部长Matteo Salvini举行了一次会面,他们把这次会议称作是反对法国总统马克龙推广的欧洲一体化的联合阵线。



(匈牙利总理Viktor Orbán和意大利内政部长Matteo Salvini)



Palacio认为,欧洲各地民粹主义党派的联合力量具有很大的危险性,因为他们在一个响亮、有力、且扣人心弦的口号下团结。他们声称,欧洲必须回到过去,主权国家关闭国境,不让外国人入境,从而面对未来的挑战。

她指出,虽然他们声称的这个世界从未存在过,但是与此同时,那些主张欧盟一体化的领导人并没有提出令人信服的证据。这些领导人也专注在过去,通常细数过去种种丰功伟绩,但是他们的视野太程序化、太苍白。

欧盟领袖该怎么赢下这局?

她建议,为了说服心存疑惑的大众,欧洲的力量在于合作,这些欧洲领导人需要专注在未来。

他们不能简单依赖过去一体化的成就。欧洲这些年来拥有和平及经济发展,欧盟内也不收数据漫游费了,可是下一步呢?

单纯“进一步一体化”的回答在她看来并不充分。一般来说,抽象、崇高的视野并不能和民粹主义者传递的简单、强烈的信息竞争。

但她并不是推荐欧洲一体化的守卫者直接挪用民粹主义的词汇,如欧洲执委会主席此前在欧盟讲话中号召“欧洲的主权”。她认为,欧洲领导者不应该让他们自己和民粹主义者越来越像,相反他们应该显示与民粹主义者有多么的不同。

她推荐理想的做法是,首先,欧洲领导者应该结合理想和实际提出关于欧洲发展有形的提议,来向大众展示为什么欧盟是带领欧洲走向更繁荣未来的可行的媒介。其次,他们需要证明在世界局势紧张时,欧盟比各国自身在世界谈判桌上有更多空间。最后,他们需要说服欧洲大众,欧盟会帮助各国加强经济发展、科技创新、并保护欧洲的文化。

她表示,马克龙目前是唯一如此行动的领导人。虽然其他欧洲领导人或许同意他的说法,但是他们只是悄悄地点头,而没有和他一起站到台前,因为他们不想承担政治风险。她号召在明年五月欧洲议会选举前,所有认同欧洲一体化的领导人都站出来表态。



(法国总统马克龙在联合国演讲)



欧洲议会选举的造势活动才刚刚开始,所以她认为现在还有充分的时间改变目前的舆论论调,把欧洲引导到更有影响力、更繁荣的路线上,但是能够做到这点的时间窗口很快就会过去。在此之前,理解认同欧洲价值的领导者需要赶快行动,有效回击民粹主义者对欧洲一体化异口同声的质疑。

最后她表示,目前欧洲面临着一个严酷的选择:是合作共赢,还是各自为政。而五月欧洲议会的结果将对欧洲未来走向十分关键。


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