Hasan Piker 毛泽东 邓小平 中国

哈桑解读——西马如何看待中国：西马很矛盾只会空想，但又无法承认中国社会主义的成功。毛泽东与邓小平是一脉相承的，中国社会主义的发展，需要从历史角度去理解

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UE-gz3s57Tk 

黑白猫PragCat   2026年6月15日

美国互联网上的“赛博左王”、北美键政圈顶流——哈桑·皮克尔（Hasan Piker）是1991年生人，土耳其裔美国人，自称马克思主义者，在Twitch坐拥三百多万粉丝。他不仅是美国激进左派年轻人的“精神导师”，在中国国内键政圈也是赫赫有名。 

他自封马克思主义者，那哈桑的立场在美国绝对算得上“离经叛道”。他亲中国，夸中国是美国“最该学习的国家”，甚至说自己“从灵魂到思想都已经变成了中国人”。他的国际视野更刺激：亲俄、亲古巴、亲伊朗、亲真主党、亲哈马斯——主打一个“只要美国讨厌谁，我就跟谁称兄道弟”。

这让他在美国国内被骂成了筛子。黑粉天天喷他，骂他是个“美国叛徒，反美急先锋”：拿着美国护照、赚着美元、享受着资本主义的一切红利，却天天在直播间里痛骂资本主义，骂美国是“邪恶的帝国主义”，恨不得美国原地爆炸。 

哈桑最近看了一个叫 RedPen 的频道，视频主题是《对西方马克思主义的批判》。这个 RedPen 是个非常硬核的马列主义者。而好玩的点在于：虽然哈桑看的是对西马的批判，但哈桑自己，虽然不是全部，但部分也属于西马的范畴。也就是说，哈桑在某种程度上，也在看redpen批判自己，非常有意思。 
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20世纪80年代初，他重申了自己对毛泽东思想的拥护。公平地说，萝卜青菜各有所爱。在中国转型社会主义的各个发展阶段，毛泽东都被视为指路明灯。原因在于，即便邓小平的改革和市场自由化举措或市场化举措能够奏效，他也必须进一步强化对毛泽东的崇敬。这是大多数人不了解中国或中国人的一点：在危机时期，他们对毛泽东的敬仰之情如同指路明灯一般。你越是偏离毛泽东的原则或思想，就越是推崇毛泽东，而这正是邓小平所做的。

前导小组。对西方马克思主义的批判。让我们来探讨一下这个电台节目。对卡尔·马克思而言，理论从来都不是脱离实践的抽象练习，而是植根于物质条件的具体政治斗争的指南。然而，随着时间的推移，他对实践的强调，即理论与革命行动的统一，已成为马克思主义传统内部的一个关键分歧点。如今，这种紧张关系在围绕马克思列宁主义和西方马克思主义关于中华人民共和国政治经济性质的辩论中表现得最为尖锐。

一方面，马克思列宁主义主要在全球南方发展起来，这些国家将这一理论作为革命行动的指导，并且在许多情况下，甚至出现了共产主义政党夺取国家政权。然而，在帝国主义核心地区，西方马克思主义在很大程度上仍然是资产阶级学院的产物，它拒绝马克思列宁主义的理论和现实存在的社会主义国家的实践。

 相反，它试图将马克思与弗洛伊德、海迪格或众多非马克思主义折衷思想家的思想结合起来，以拓展马克思主义思想的视野，超越列宁。

 这不仅使其在进行社会主义斗争方面准备不足，而且使其无法分析中华人民共和国等国家。以及董建华，将其视为一个具有历史基础的社会主义建设项目。 因此，本视频试图填补这一空白，论证严肃的马克思主义分析必须回归马克思最初的问题，即不仅要解释世界，还要采取政治行动来改变世界。

通过这种方式，我们将批判性地审视西方马克思主义方法对现实存在的社会主义的局限性，并重新探讨在马克思列宁主义框架内，中国特色社会主义的问题。

整个20世纪80年代，苏联的现实社会主义进入了深刻的危机时期。澳门戈尔巴乔夫的改革加上日益增长的经济、政治和军事压力，最终导致苏联集团在1989年解体，以及苏联在1991年非法解体。与此同时，中华人民共和国也面临着自身的动荡。文化大革命的遗留问题、毛泽东去世后的政治危机，以及陈云和邓小平领导下向市场改革过渡的不确定性。

在许多观察家看来，这些发展不仅标志着社会主义国家的失败，也标志着马克思列宁主义的过时。这种观点，福山的另一个“L”，体现在弗朗西斯·福山的历史终结论中。尽管分析薄弱，但它通过宣称资本主义在全球阶级斗争中取得了决定性胜利而获得了全球关注，成为资本主义对社会主义的悼词。

5:27 5分27 弗朗西斯怎么会这么说？我的意思是，他承认这是胡说八道。这真的很有意思，因为它对大约99%最

5:36 5分36 仍然认为历史已经终结的令人讨厌的自由主义者来说，是一部非常重要的作品。

5:41 5分41 自由主义，它结束了。自由主义永远是单一文化。他们就是拒绝承认，那个人

5:48 5分48 说出这句话的人现在也不同意最初的论点。但这种说法在2008-2009年全球

5:56 5分56 金融危机之后开始瓦解，两件事开始变得清晰。首先，危机暴露了金融化资本主义的鲁莽以及国家应对措施的阶级性

6:05 6分5 当数百万美国工薪阶层失去家园、工作和毕生积蓄时，那些

6:14 6分14 导致崩溃的机构却通过大规模公共救助得以拯救，获得了奖金，并继续对经济政策拥有决定性的影响力。

6:23 6分23 这场危机不仅暴露了系统性的不稳定，还暴露了统治精英对其鲁莽行为的社会后果的漠不关心。

6:32 6分32 其次

这场危机凸显了中国体制的韧性。西欧在2009年平均GDP萎缩了5%，经历了一个

6:41 6分41秒的缓慢复苏过程，然后在新冠疫情爆发的第一年又下降了6%。你可能会认为这是好事。

6:49 6分49土耳其的GDP增长率为4%。

6:52 6分52仿佛这种经济活动就能转化为土耳其普通民众更好的经济状况。天哪，这GDP真是太糟糕了。

7:01 7分1中国在2019年之前保持了约7.5%的年均GDP增长率，并在2020年实现了2%的温和增长。

7:10 7分10这两个体制之间的对比向许多人表明，无论中国的经济体制被如何定义。它似乎拥有制度性的

7:17 7分17机制，使其免受美国金融资本向世界其他地区蔓延的金融传染的影响。

7:24 7分24土耳其比10到20年前富裕得多。是的，但这并不意味着普通人的整体财富有所增长。这就是我要表达的观点。

7:33 7分33然而，当时，中国对许多左派人士来说仍然是一个有争议的案例。

7:37 7分37中国仍然相对欠发达，环境恶化，并被誉为世界工厂，它并不符合西方理想化的

7:46 7分46社会主义愿景。对于那些寻求纯粹社会主义的人来说，就目前而言，中国的模式还有很多不足之处。大多数

7:53 7分53西方马克思主义者对中国不屑一顾。然而，西方仍有一些马克思列宁主义思想家能够

8:018分1 理解中国改革开放背后的社会主义逻辑。例如，多米尼科·莱罗在2010年就认识到，中国的市场是

8:108分10 长期社会主义发展轨迹的一部分，而不是向资本主义投降。自那时以来，中国的政治和经济制度持续吸引着人们的兴趣

8:198分19 并引起了许多外国观察家的关注，加剧了关于中国是否是一个真正的社会主义制度的争论。

8:278分27 马克思列宁主义和西方马克思主义对中国的看法之间的分歧，或许最好在马克思和恩格斯的科学社会主义与各种空想社会主义者的唯心主义之间的经典辩论框架内来理解。

8:348分34弗拉基米尔·列宁后来指出了这些乌托邦倾向，

8:43 8分43 他称之为左翼共产主义，其特点是偏好意识形态的纯粹性，而非战略妥协和具体分析。最近，

8:51 8分51 伟大的马克思主义学者迈克尔·帕里在关于纯粹社会主义的评论中描述了类似的倾向。他说，纯粹的社会主义者支持每一场革命，除了那些成功的革命。

9:02 9分2 当现实证明不同且更加艰难时，一些左翼人士便开始谴责真正的社会主义，并宣称他们感到被背叛了。

9:09 9分9 是啊，读着读着就哭吧，傻瓜们。哦，中国不是真正的共产主义。中国不是真正的社会主义。古巴也不是真正的社会主义。

9:18 9分18 真正的社会主义从未被这个或那个革命实现过。纯粹的社会主义者将社会主义视为一种理想。

9:26 9分26 这种理想被共产主义的终极性、两面性和对权力的渴望所玷污。

9:30 9分30 纯粹的社会主义者反对苏联模式，但几乎没有证据表明可以采取其他道路，其他社会主义模式可以站稳脚跟并

9:39 9分39 效果更好。如今，这种倾向通常被称为西方马克思主义。

9:44 9分44 西方马克思主义通过与革命实践保持距离，符合这种极左纯粹法西斯主义的乌托邦传统。

9:51 9分51 它经常将马克思主义简化为对资本主义的批判，却未能提供任何连贯的战略、制度模式或超越资本主义的政策纲领。

10:03 10分3 它没有提供任何可供效仿的过去或现在的例子。没有共同认可的原则，没有连贯或经过检验的

10:10 10分钟10秒战略，只有对自下而上的社会主义和无产阶级国际主义的模糊信念。

10:16 10分钟16抱歉，但r/ultralleft说，不，说这话的甚至不是极端分子，而是左翼共产主义者。左翼共产主义者会说巴勒斯坦的抵抗运动本质上是资产阶级的

10:23 10分钟23本质上是资产阶级的，因此他们拒绝支持它。这是一种真正的“不要民族国家”的意识形态，就像……
10:31 10分31 这种荒谬的立场，当人们说，你不认为试图为库尔德人建立一个民族飞地本质上是反动的吗？

10:40 10分40 我以为你不想要一个民族国家，就像……好吧，他们大部分都是无国籍的，你知道你想要什么吗？

10:47 10分47 他们把所有的希望都寄托在一个尚未实现的第三权力概念上，我从未见过左翼共产主义者这么说，不，我……

10:54 10分54 见过……呃，我见过社会主义会在垄断的这个高级且衰败的阶段自发出现。

11:02 11分2 资本主义。它的

“既非华盛顿也非莫斯科”的口号如今被重新包装成“既非华盛顿也非北京”，很好地表达了这种脱离现实的做法。

11:11 11分钟 11 他们似乎认为，与其参与建设社会主义事业的真正历史进程，历史会以某种方式

11:18 11分钟 18 提供一种能够超越垄断资本主义和现有社会主义的新模式。这样一来，西方马克思主义几乎无法提供

11:27 11分钟 27 任何东西，只不过是一种空洞的政治，最终导致革命实践的死胡同。

11:34 11分钟 34 西方马克思主义倾向于将反对中国市场社会主义的论点视为不言而喻的。如果一个经济体包含私有制、雇佣劳动或市场

11:43 11分钟 43 交换，在他们看来，它一定是资本主义的。因此，几乎所有自由主义者都这样做。通过

11:50 11分50秒 顺便说一句，每个可能读过一点社会主义文献的自由主义者都会说：

11:57 11分57秒 呃，亲爱的，你说中国是一个转型中的社会主义国家，但你猜怎么着？那里仍然有私营企业。

12:08 12分8秒 是的。那我们就那样做吧。我们就那样做吧。我想要那样。那怎么样？那是一个更好的方式，呃，一种

12:16 12分16秒 来组织社会。那我们就朝着那个方向发展吧。是的。那是资本主义。让我们走中国式路线。

12:21 12分21秒 让我们走具有美国特色的社会主义路线。就这么叫它。中国是资本主义国家。就这么简单。

12:28 12分28秒 对西方马克思主义而言，社会主义的定义完全是理想主义的。工人直接控制生产的制度，政治权力通过直接民主行使。

12:36 12分36 通过直接民主，彻底废除市场、货币和阶级关系。一个摆脱一切形式剥削的社会，在这个社会里，

12:45 12分45 早上打猎、下午捕鱼、晚上放牛、饭后批评是可能的。按照这个标准，中华人民共和国

12:53 12分53 中国显然达不到这个标准。然而，西方马克思主义往往忽略的是，中国最初确实努力追求这种纯粹的社会主义。

13:02 13分2 在毛泽东时代。在1966年至1976年的文化大革命期间，优先考虑意识形态的努力

13:10 13分10 往往是以牺牲经济基础的发展为代价的。以平等主义的名义，工人和农民被提升到

13:1813分18 权力地位，而这种权力是基于阶级背景而非技术能力。与此同时，专家、技术人员和城市知识分子被边缘化，导致

13:2813分28 普遍存在的低效，制约了生产发展。事实上，经济问题，即贫困的持续存在，变得如此尖锐，

13:3713分37 以至于毛主义四人帮试图将社会主义重新定义为一种普遍贫困，宣称

13:4413分44 在社会主义制度下贫穷比在资本主义制度下富有更好。然而，通过意识形态或

13:5113分51 意识层面来解决人民的物质需求，只能做到一定程度，直到质的、社会的和经济的转型变得不可避免，转向新的方向变得迫切需要。

14:02 14分钟2 党的转向与毛泽东四人帮的决裂，很大程度上以邓小平重返党内以及他宣称社会主义不是

14:10 14分钟10 贫困。社会主义意味着消除贫困。除非你发展生产力，否则你不能说你在建设社会主义。事实上，邓小平

14:19 14分钟19 邓小平反复强调，市场社会主义是走上“致富光荣”社会主义道路的必要条件，而且它并不

14:27 14分钟27 代表着彻底放弃社会主义理想的尝试。1979年，他明确指出，如果我们不坚持

14:35 14分钟35 社会主义，如果我们不坚持共产党的领导，如果我们不坚持马克思列宁主义和毛泽东思想，中国就必然

14:43 14分钟43 陷入混乱。 20世纪80年代初，他甚至明确拒绝了苏联式的海水淡化，并重申了他对毛泽东思想的坚持。

14:52 14分钟 52 公平地说，萝卜青菜各有所爱。毛泽东在中国转型社会主义发展的各个阶段都被视为指路明灯。

15:00 15分钟 原因在于，即使像邓小平的

15:07 15分钟 7 改革和市场自由化举措，或者说市场化举措奏效，他也必须

15:15 15分钟 15 进一步强调他对毛泽东的敬仰之情，因为毛泽东受到了极大的尊崇。

15:23 15分钟 23 这是大多数人对中国或中国人不了解的一点。中国以外的所有人

15:31 15分31 尤其是在西方世界，会说：“你喜欢马东？他是个冷血杀手。” 而中国人却觉得，你知道，

15:39 15分39 他是现代中国的教父。就像

你在说什么？

15:44 15分钟 44 这太搞笑了，就像我想不出还有什么类似的例子，西方的论点是他杀了

15:52 15分钟 52 那么多中国人。他杀了1000亿中国人，对吧？他们会说，“他杀了1亿，他杀了数千万只乌鸦，还带走了1000亿中国人。”

16:00 16分钟 然后就像，“狗，去问问后代吧。” 我是说，去问问中国人对马东的看法。就像美国人表现得

16:08 16分钟 8 虽然他们甚至不会说，“哦，马东杀了其他人。” 他说他杀了中国人，对吧？那么，为什么中国人如此喜爱毛东呢？

16:16 16分钟16 至少在斯大林化时期，由于斯大林时期的一些极端做法，

16:25 16分钟25 尤其是在二战后的苏联时期，苏联内部至少存在一些敌意。所以

16:32 16分钟32 至少有相当一部分人认为海水淡化是好事。

16:39 16分钟39 而对于毛东，我的意思是，他们产生了完全相反的效果，在危机时期，

16:47 16分钟47 或者当社会发生重大变革时，他们对毛东格外尊敬，就像

16:55 16分钟55 尽管他是北极星。你越是偏离毛泽东的原则或毛泽东思想，就越是吹捧毛泽东，而这正是董晓英所做的。

17:04 17分钟4 与后斯大林时代的苏联截然相反。他们过度推行去斯大林化，以至于当他保证

17:13 17分钟13 我们不会像克鲁乔夫对待斯大林那样对待毛主席。1992年，他进一步解释说，计划经济和

17:21 17分钟21 市场力量并非社会主义和资本主义的本质区别，进行市场改革不是为了放弃社会主义，而是为了

17:29 17分钟29 发展社会主义。因此，改革开放不是反革命，也不是背叛社会主义，而是

17:36 17分钟36 从早期失败中摸索出来的试错结果。

17:39 17分钟39 是的。 Joai，你能解释一下没有邓小平没有毛泽东，反之亦然吗？没有毛泽东就没有邓小平，没有邓小平就没有毛泽东，或者说，没有这两个人物就没有现代中国。

17:50 你知道，中国发展中发生的一切都是先后发生的。

17:57 你面前的笑话是五个饺子。你吃了第一个饺子，然后吃了第二个饺子，

18:04 你吃了第三个饺子，吃到第四个饺子时，你说：“哇，我吃饱了。”是第四个饺子让你吃饱的吗？你能不能直接

18:12 直接吃第四个饺子就感觉饱了？

18:17 不。你必须先吃前面的饺子。

18:20 18分20 试图建立一个完全摆脱剥削的社会主义社会。毛泽东之后，共产党认定，早期实现社会主义的尝试受到了中国现状的阻碍。

18:29 18分29 社会主义的实现受到了阻碍，因为中国……

18:32 18分32 谢谢你，拜登，你给了我们特朗普。我的意思是，这话也有道理。

18:36 18分36 绝对的。但你也要记住，是的，这是由……造成的连续倒退。

18:43 18分43 资本主义资产阶级政党造成的。政党会更迭，但社会或政治根本没有改变。所以，是的。

18:52 18分52 如果我们要观察真正的意识形态差异，就会发现……

18:58 18分58 而不是一个政党将权力转移到另一个政党。我认为，美国历史上极其重要的变革时期发生在罗斯福总统时期，以及罗斯福之后一直到里根时期。

19:06 19分6 社会民主化，也就是美国的社会民主，产生了巨大的影响，其方式与你在欧洲的体验非常相似，对吧？

19:22 19分22 在欧洲，人们体验到的程度也相近，对吧？当然，程度肯定不一样。福利体系的许多部分仍然

19:29 19分29 高度分散，但就像新政时期一样，民主党在新政之后一直主导着美国政坛，直到卡特时期。

19:37 19分37 是的，卡特是转向新自由主义的起点，是转折点。但里根时期才是彻底改变的时期，

19:44 19分44 彻底转变。现在，里根之后的民主党开始追随共和党的意愿。里根之后，

19:52 19分52秒 民主党一直跟随共和党。自罗纳德·里根以来，共和党在其主导态度和政治中一直领导着这个国家。

20:01 20分1秒 主导政治。虽然卡特标志着这一转变，但不可否认的是，这是一个反动的

20:10 20分10秒 里根之后的共和党国家。这一点在每一位里根之后的民主党人身上都表现得最为明显。

20:17 20分17秒 罗纳德·里根。尼克松也对环保署和其他许多

20:24 20分24秒 的建立负责，这是有原因的。没有这样的倡议。

此后，共和党方面也发生了一些事情。

20:29 20分钟29 想想看。理查德·尼克松一度实行了价格管制。

20:33 20分钟33 显然，你知道，那是一个经济极度不稳定的时期，但他仍然这样做了。他建立了环保署。

20:42 20分钟42 他做了很多这样的事情。我想不出那个时代之后，有哪位共和党总统曾经建立过

20:49 20分钟49 建立更多的政府机构或建立新的监管机构，而不是摧毁现有的机构。而且

20:57 20分钟57 民主党人也对此有所贡献。布什建立了国土安全部。我说的是监管机构。好的。国土安全部

21:05 21分5 国土安全部是一个变异的庞然大物，它由所有其他先前存在的机构组成。

21:12 21分12 旨在监视美国公民。好吧，这完全不同。

21:18 21分18 唐纳德·特朗普彻头彻尾是个里根经济学的拥护者。我们绝对仍然处于后里根时代。他是一个

21:27 21分27 加速版的里根主义者。这标志着美国政治的重大转变，正走向其逻辑终点，这必然会

21:36 21分36 导致法西斯主义。好吧，但就像你完全理解的那种基于经济极度不发达的

21:43 21分43 基础的法西斯主义。因此，转向市场社会主义的根本原则是必须通过快速发展生产力来克服物质匮乏。

21:52 21分52 只要共产党牢牢掌握国家政权，防止民族资产阶级将经济权力转化为政治权力，市场的好处就能大于风险。

22:00 22分，只有通过这些手段，共产党才能确保中国在开放市场和私人投资空间的同时，继续走社会主义道路。

22:17 22分17 但西方马克思主义往往不认真对待中国的历史发展，而是将其轨迹简化为一种简单的叙事，即邓小平打着社会主义的旗号，强力推进资本主义复辟。

22:25 22分25但这种解释仅仅是用道德判断取代了唯物主义分析，将劳资关系、国家政策和内部矛盾等复杂问题简化为

22:42 诸如威权主义之类的模糊标签，这些标签解释力很弱，而且阻碍了更深入的探究。同时，西方马克思主义如果承认社会主义的某些成就，那么这些成就也被抽象地归因于人民，

22:50 而失败则被归咎于国家，从而对中国的经济发展形成了一种片面且站不住脚的解释。

reiterated his commitment to Mao Dong thought in the early 1980s. To be fair, different strokes for different folks. Mao Dong was seen as like the north star in every stage of development in Chinese transitional socialism. The reason why is because like even if like Deng Xiaoping's reforms and market liberalization initiatives or marketization initiatives rather were to work, he would also have to really beef up how much he loves Mao Dong on the other side. This is a thing that most people don't understand about China or the Chinese where in times of in periods of crisis they hold extra reverence towards Mao Dong is like as though he is the north star. The more you stray away from Mao's principles or
0:4848秒钟Mao Dong thought the more you hype up Mao Dong which is exactly what Dong Xiaoing did.
2:162分钟16秒钟Fore
2:462分钟46秒钟crew. critique of western Marxism. Let's take a look at this radio possible. For Karl Marx, theory was never an abstract exercise detached from practice, but a
2:552分钟55秒钟guide to concrete political struggle rooted in material conditions. However, over time, his emphasis on practice, the unity of theory and revolutionary
3:033分钟3秒钟action, has become a key point of disagreement within the Marxist tradition. Today, nowhere is this tension more sharply expressed than in the debate surrounding Marxism Leninism
3:113分钟11秒钟and Western Marxism over the political and economic nature of the People's Republic of China.
3:163分钟16秒钟On the one hand, Marxism Leninism has largely developed among the global south, which has used this theory as a guide to revolutionary action and in many cases has even seen communist
3:243分钟24秒钟parties capture state power. In the imperial core, however, western Marxism largely remains a creation of the bourgeoa academy, rejecting the theory of Marxism Leninism and the practice of actually existing socialist states.
3:353分钟35秒钟Instead, it seeks to synthesize Marx with Freud Haidiger or any number of non-Marxist eclectic thinkers to expand the horizons of Marxist thought beyond Lenin.
3:453分钟45秒钟This leaves it not only poorly equipped to wage socialist struggle but also renders it incapable of analyzing countries like the People's Republic of
3:523分钟52秒钟China and Dung Shia as a historically grounded project of socialist construction.
4:014分钟1秒钟This video therefore attempts to intervene in this gap by arguing that a serious Marxist analysis must return to Marx's original problem of not only
4:104分钟10秒钟interpreting the world but politically acting to change it.
4:144分钟14秒钟In doing so, we will critically examine the limitations of Western Marxist approaches to actually existing socialism and reenter the question of
4:224分钟22秒钟socialism with Chinese characteristics within a Marxist Leninist framework.
4:284分钟28秒钟Throughout the 1980s, actually existing socialism entered a period of profound crisis in the Soviet Union. Macau
4:354分钟35秒钟Gorbachev's reforms combined with mounting economic, political, and military pressures culminated in the collapse of the Soviet block in 1989 and
4:444分钟44秒钟the illegal disillusion of the USSR in 1991. At the same time, the People's Republic of China faced its own
4:514分钟51秒钟upheavalss. The legacy of the cultural revolution, the political crisis following the death of Mao Dong, and the uncertain transition towards market reforms under Chenyun and Deng Xiaoping.
5:025分钟2秒钟To many observers, these developments signaled not only the failure of socialist states, but the obsolescence of Marxism Leninism as well. This
5:105分钟10秒钟sentiment, another L from Fukuyama, was expressed in Francis Fukuyama's end of history thesis, which although
5:185分钟18秒钟analytically weak, gained global prominence by proclaiming the definitive triumph of capitalism in the global class struggle, functioning as capitalism's eulogy for socialism.
5:275分钟27秒钟How'd that take a Francis? I mean, he admits it was bunk. It's really interesting because it's like such an important work for like 99% of the most
5:365分钟36秒钟annoying liberals that still operate on the assumption that history has ended.
5:415分钟41秒钟Liberalism one, it's over. Liberalism is is permanently the monoculture. And they just refuse to recognize that the guy
5:485分钟48秒钟who said it also now disagrees with the initial thesis. But this narrative began to unravel after the 2008 2009 global
5:565分钟56秒钟financial crisis where two things started to become clear. First, the crisis exposed the recklessness of financialized capitalism and the class
6:056分钟5秒钟character of the state's response. As millions of working-class Americans lost their homes, jobs, and their life savings, the very institutions
6:146分钟14秒钟responsible for the collapse were rescued through massive public bailouts, rewarded with bonuses, and retained decisive influence over economic policy.
6:236分钟23秒钟The crisis revealed not only systemic instability but a profound indifference of ruling elites towards the social consequences of their recklessness.
6:326分钟32秒钟Second, the crisis highlighted the resilience of the Chinese system. While Western Europe saw its average GDP contract by 5% in 2009, go through a
6:416分钟41秒钟slow recovery process and then drop another 6% in the first year of the CO9 pandemic. You'd assume that this is good.
6:496分钟49秒钟Turkeykey's GDP growth rate being at 4%.
6:526分钟52秒钟As though that economic activity translates to u you know a better economy for the everyday Turkish people. God the GDP is so ass.
7:017分钟1秒钟China maintained roughly 7.5 annual GDP growth until 2019 and then even saw a modest 2% growth throughout 2020. This
7:107分钟10秒钟contrast between these two systems signaled to many that regardless of how China's economic system was labeled. It appeared to possess institutional
7:177分钟17秒钟mechanisms that insulated it from the financial contagion that American finance capital was spreading to the rest of the world.
7:247分钟24秒钟Turkeyy's much richer than it was 10 to 20 years ago. Yeah, it doesn't translate to like overall wealth for the average person, though. That was the point I was making.
7:337分钟33秒钟At the time, however, China remained a contentious case for many on the left.
7:377分钟37秒钟Still relatively underdeveloped, marked by environmental degradation and recognized as the workshop of the world, it did not conform to western idealized
7:467分钟46秒钟visions of socialism. For those seeking a pure socialism, for now, China's model left much to be desired. For the most
7:537分钟53秒钟part, Western Marxists were dismissive of China. However, there did remain a select number of Marxist Leninist thinkers in the West who were able to
8:018分钟1秒钟comprehend the socialist logic behind China's reform and opening up. Dominico Lero, for example, recognized in 2010 that China's market was part of a
8:108分钟10秒钟long-term socialist trajectory rather than a capitulation to capitalism. Since then, China's political and economic system has continued to attract interest
8:198分钟19秒钟and has gained the attention of many foreign observers, sharpening debate around whether or not China is a truly socialist system. The division between
8:278分钟27秒钟Marxist Leninist and Western Marxist perspectives on China can perhaps be best understood within the framework of the classic debate between the
8:348分钟34秒钟scientific socialism of Marx and Engles and the idealism of various utopian socialists. Vladimir Lenin later identified these utopian tendencies in
8:438分钟43秒钟what he called left-wing communism marked by a preference for ideological purity over strategic compromise and concrete analysis. More recently, the
8:518分钟51秒钟great Marxist scholar Michael Pari described a similar tendency in his remarks on pure socialism. He says that the pure socialists support every revolution except the ones that succeed.
9:029分钟2秒钟When reality proves different and more difficult, some on the left proceed to condemn the real thing and announce that they feel betrayed.
9:099分钟9秒钟Yeah, reading weep bozos. Oh, China's not real communism. China's not real socialism. Cuba's not real socialism.
9:189分钟18秒钟Real socialism has never been implemented by this or that revolution. The pure socialists see socialism as an ideal
9:269分钟26秒钟that was tarnished by communist finality, duplicity, and power cravings.
9:309分钟30秒钟The pure socialists oppose the Soviet model, but offer little evidence to demonstrate that other paths could have been taken, that other models of socialism could have taken hold and
9:399分钟39秒钟worked better. Today, this tendency is often referred to as Western Marxism.
9:449分钟44秒钟Western Marxism conforms to this utopian tradition of ultralleft purity fascism by distancing itself from revolutionary
9:519分钟51秒钟practice. It frequently reduces Marxism down to a critique of capitalism while stopping short of offering any type of coherent strategy, institutional model, or policy program for moving beyond it.
10:0310分钟3秒钟It offers no examples to emulate either past or present. No agreed upon principles, no coherent or tested
10:1010分钟10秒钟strategy, just a vague belief in socialism from below and proletarian internationalism.
10:1610分钟16秒钟Sorry, but r/ ultralleft said that the no that's not even the ultras that say that that's leftcoms. Leftcoms will say the resistance of Palestine is bourgeoa
10:2310分钟23秒钟in nature and therefore they refuse to support it. It's a real how about no nation states ideology like the the n
10:3110分钟31秒钟the nonsensical position where when people will be like well don't you think trying to develop a an ethnic enclave for the Kurds is inherently reactionary
10:4010分钟40秒钟I thought you didn't want an ethnost state it's like okay well they're statesless for the most part you know what do you want
10:4710分钟47秒钟they invest all of their hopes in the notion that an as yet unrealized third weight I've never seen a leftcom say that no I
10:5410分钟54秒钟have seen uh I've seen that to socialism will spontaneously emerge at this advanced and decaying stage of monopoly
11:0211分钟2秒钟capitalism. Its slogan neither Washington nor Moscow now recycled as neither Washington nor Beijing expresses this retreat from reality very well.
11:1111分钟11秒钟Rather than engaging with the real historical processes of building towards a socialist project, they seem to believe that history will somehow
11:1811分钟18秒钟deliver a new model capable of transcending both monopoly capitalism and actually existing socialism. In this way, Western Marxism hardly offers
11:2711分钟27秒钟anything more than a hollow politics that leads to a dead end in revolutionary practice.
11:3411分钟34秒钟Western Marxism tends to treat the case against China's market socialism as self-evident. If an economy contains private ownership, wage labor, or market
11:4311分钟43秒钟exchange, according to them, it must be capitalist. And therefore, literally every liberal does this. By
11:5011分钟50秒钟the way, every liberal that like maybe read a little bit of socialist literature would be like,
11:5711分钟57秒钟uh, you say, sweetie, that China is a transitional socialist state, but guess what? There's still private enterprise.
12:0812分钟8秒钟Yeah. Well, let's do that then. Let's do that. I want that. How about that's a good that's a better uh way to to
12:1612分钟16秒钟organize society. Let's just move in that direction then. Yeah. It's capitalism. Let's do Chinese style.
12:2112分钟21秒钟Let's do socialism with American characteristics. Let's call it that. China is capitalist. Plain and simple.
12:2812分钟28秒钟For Western Marxism, socialism is defined in purely idealist terms. A system of direct worker control over production, political power exercised
12:3612分钟36秒钟through direct democracy, the abolition of markets, money, and class relations altogether. a society freed from all forms of exploitation where it becomes
12:4512分钟45秒钟possible to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, and criticize after dinner. By this standard, the People's Republic of
12:5312分钟53秒钟China clearly falls short. However, what Western Marxism tends to overlook is the fact that China did initially strive towards this type of pure socialism
13:0213分钟2秒钟during the Mauist era. Throughout the cultural revolution from 1966 to 1976, efforts to prioritize ideological
13:1013分钟10秒钟transformation often came at the expense of developing the economic base. In the name of egalitarianism, workers and peasants were elevated to positions of
13:1813分钟18秒钟authority based on class background rather than technical competence. While experts, technicians, and urban intellectuals were marginalized, leading
13:2813分钟28秒钟to widespread inefficiencies that constrain productive development. In fact, economic problems, namely the persistence of poverty, became so acute
13:3713分钟37秒钟that the Mauist gang of four attempted to redefine socialism as a type of common poverty, declaring that it is
13:4413分钟44秒钟better to be poor under socialism than rich under capitalism. However, addressing the material needs of the people through the level of ideology or
13:5113分钟51秒钟consciousness in this way would only go so far until qualitative, social, and economic transformation became unavoidable and a pivot towards something new became urgently necessary.
14:0214分钟2秒钟The party's pivot away from the Mauist gang of four was largely marked by Deng Xiaoing's return to the party and his declaration that socialism is not
14:1014分钟10秒钟poverty. Socialism means eliminating poverty. Unless you are developing the forces of production, you cannot say you are building socialism. In fact, Deng
14:1914分钟19秒钟Xiaoping repeatedly emphasized that market socialism was necessary to proceed down the to be riches to be glorious socialist road and that it did not
14:2714分钟27秒钟represent an attempt to abandon socialist ideals altogether. In 1979, he clarified that if we did not adhere to
14:3514分钟35秒钟socialism, if we did not adhere to the leadership of the Communist Party, if we did not adhere to Marxism Leninism and Mao Dong thought, China would inevitably
14:4314分钟43秒钟become chaotic. He even explicitly rejected Soviet style desalinization and reiterated his commitment to Mao Dong thought in the early 1980s.
14:5214分钟52秒钟To be fair, different strokes for different folks. Mao Dong was seen as like the north star in every stage of
15:0015分钟development in Chinese transitional socialism. The reason why is because like even if like Deng Xiaoping's
15:0715分钟7秒钟reforms and market liberalization initiatives or marketization initiatives rather were to work, he would also have
15:1515分钟15秒钟to really beef up how much he loves Mao Dong on the other side because of the uh tremendous amount of reverence that Mao
15:2315分钟23秒钟Dong had. This is a thing that most people don't understand about China or the Chinese. Everyone outside of China
15:3115分钟31秒钟in the Western world especially be like, "You like Ma Dong? He was a ruthless murderer." And it's like everyone in China is like that's the that's you know
15:3915分钟39秒钟that's the godfather of the modern nation. Like the are you talking about?
15:4415分钟44秒钟It's so funny like it there's I I can't think of another equivalent where the argument made by the west is he killed
15:5215分钟52秒钟so many Chinese. He killed 100 billion Chinese, right? They'll be like, "He killed 100 he killed tens of millions of crows and 100 billion Chinese in tow."
16:0016分钟And it's like, "Dog, go ask the descendants." Like, go I mean, or go ask the the Chinese people how they feel about Ma Dong. Like, Americans act as
16:0816分钟8秒钟though like it's not like he they don't even say like, "Oh, Ma Dong killed other people." He's saying he killed Chinese, right? So why the is it the Chinese love
16:1616分钟16秒钟him so much at least with the Stalinization due to uh the nature of the excesses during the the uh Stalin
16:2516分钟25秒钟period post uh post World War II period especially there was at least some enmity internally within the USSR. So
16:3216分钟32秒钟there was at least like a like reasonable amount of people that were saying like yeah desalinization is good.
16:3916分钟39秒钟Whereas with Mao Dong, I mean they they've had the exact opposite effect where in times of in periods of crisis
16:4716分钟47秒钟or when there's like significant changes taking place in society, they hold extra reverence towards Mao Dong as like as
16:5516分钟55秒钟though he is the north star. The more you stray away from Mao's principles or Mao Dong thought, the more you hype up Mao Dong, which is exactly what Dong
17:0417分钟4秒钟Xiaoing did. Exact opposite of of post Stalin USSR. They overdid the dstalinization to sure when he assured
17:1317分钟13秒钟that we will not do to Chairman Mao what Cruchev did to Stalin. In 1992, he further explained that planning and
17:2117分钟21秒钟market forces are not the essential difference between socialism and capitalism and that market reform was undertaken not to abandon socialism but
17:2917分钟29秒钟to develop it. The reform and opening up was therefore not a counterrevolution or a betrayal of socialism but the outcome
17:3617分钟36秒钟of trial and error emerging from earlier failed.
17:3917分钟39秒钟Yep. Joai, can you explain dung without dang without Mao and vice versa? There is no den without Mao and there's no Mao without Deng or there is no modern China without both of these figures rather.
17:5017分钟50秒钟There is a you know everything that happened in in Chinese development happened in succession. It's the it's
17:5717分钟57秒钟the bow joke in front of you are five dumplings. You eat the first dumpling and then you eat the second dumpling and
18:0418分钟4秒钟you eat the third dumpling and on the fourth dumpling you say, "Wow, I'm full." Is it the fourth dumpling that made you full? Could you have just
18:1218分钟12秒钟rushed to the fourth dumpling and just eaten that and feel full all the same?
18:1718分钟17秒钟No. You had to have the dumplings that came before it.
18:2018分钟20秒钟Attempts to create a socialist society completely free from exploitation. After Mao, the Communist Party had determined that earlier attempts to achieve
18:2918分钟29秒钟socialism were hindered by the fact that China rest.
18:3218分钟32秒钟Thank you, Biden, for giving us Trump. I mean, there is also truth to that.
18:3618分钟36秒钟Absolutely. But you also have to remember yes this is successive regression happening at the hands of
18:4318分钟43秒钟capitalist bourgeoa parties. Parties change but societal or the the the politics doesn't change at all. So yeah
18:5218分钟52秒钟if we were to look at the the real ideological differences with waves
18:5818分钟58秒钟rather than uh one party swapping power over to the other. I would say that the period of changes that took place in
19:0619分钟6秒钟America that were incredibly important happened under FDR and then post FDR all the way until Ronald Reagan, there is a
19:1519分钟15秒钟doineering impact of uh you know social democratization, social democracy in America in the way that uh you
19:2219分钟22秒钟experience it in like Europe close to that, right? Obviously never to that same degree. There were plenty of parts of the welfare apparatus that were still
19:2919分钟29秒钟unbelievably decentralized, but like the New Deal Democrats dominated American politics post New Deal until Carter.
19:3719分钟37秒钟Yes, Carter is the starting turn uh the turning point towards neoliberalism. But Reagan is when it completely changes,
19:4419分钟44秒钟completely shifts. And now you have the Democratic party post Reagan following the Republican whims. Post Reagan,
19:5219分钟52秒钟Democratic parties have followed the Republicans. The Republicans have been leading this country since Ronald Reagan in in their dominant attitude, in their
20:0120分钟1秒钟dominant politics. Although Carter marks that change for sure, it becomes undeniable that this is a reactionary
20:1020分钟10秒钟Republican country post Reagan. And it is perhaps best apparent with every single Democrat that has come post
20:1720分钟17秒钟Ronald Reagan. There's a reason why even Nixon is responsible for the development of the EPA and and numerous other
20:2420分钟24秒钟things. No such initiatives have taken place on the Republican side since then.
20:2920分钟29秒钟Like think about it. Richard Nixon at a point instituted price controls.
20:3320分钟33秒钟Obviously, it was a you know, it was a a period of of tremendous uh economic instability, but he did that nonetheless. He built the EPA. Like
20:4220分钟42秒钟there's a bunch of that he did. I can't think of a Republican president post uh that era that has ever uh built
20:4920分钟49秒钟upon additional government agencies or built new regulatory agencies uh rather than destroy the existing ones. And the
20:5720分钟57秒钟Democrats have contributed to that as well. Bush made DHS buddy. I'm talking about regulatory agencies. Okay. The
21:0521分钟5秒钟Department of Homeland Security is a mutated behemoth that is comprised of all of these other pre-existing agencies
21:1221分钟12秒钟that was designed to surveil American citizens. Okay, that's very different.
21:1821分钟18秒钟Donald Trump is a Regonomics guy through and through. We are absolutely still in the post Reagan universe. He is an
21:2721分钟27秒钟accelerated Reaganist. This marks a big shift in American politics that's coming to its logical end which inevitably will
21:3621分钟36秒钟lead to fascism. Okay, but like fascism in the way that you fully understand it on a remarkably underdeveloped economic
21:4321分钟43秒钟base. Therefore, the fundamental principle guiding the pivot towards market socialism was the necessity of overcoming material scarcity by rapidly
21:5221分钟52秒钟developing the forces of production. The benefits of the market could outweigh the risks so long as the communist party maintained a firm grip on the power of
22:0022分钟the state and prevented the national bourgeoisi from transforming its economic power into political power. By these means and these means only could
22:0922分钟9秒钟the communist party ensure that China would continue the long march down the socialist road even though it was opening space for markets and private
22:1722分钟17秒钟investment. But rather than engaging seriously with China's historical development, Western Marxism often reduces its trajectory to a simplistic
22:2522分钟25秒钟narrative that Deng Xiaoping forcefully pushed capitalist restoration under the guise of socialist language. But this account merely substitutes moral
22:3422分钟34秒钟judgment for materialist analysis where complex questions such as labor relations, state policy, and internal contradictions all become collapsed into
22:4222分钟42秒钟vague labels like authoritarianism which explain very little while foreclosing deeper inquiry. Meanwhile, the successes
22:5022分钟50秒钟of actually existing socialism, if western Marxism identifies any at all, are attributed abstractly to the people,
22:5722分钟57秒钟while failures are assigned to the state, producing a one-sided and undiable account of China's economic development.